Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte and Alberto López Ortega explore what our dating choices reveal about democracy. While liberal circles assume radical-right supporters are socially shunned, experimental evidence shows the opposite. Normalisation, not exclusion, reigns — and that’s a warning sign for anyone concerned about the erosion of democratic norms
Ask around in liberal circles and you’ll hear a familiar refrain: 'Who would ever date a supporter of the radical right?'. The assumption runs deep in many quarters that backing a radical-right party is the ultimate social dealbreaker. Such a confession would leave your dating profile permanently swiped left into oblivion.
As far as many are concerned, supporters of parties like Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), Spain’s VOX, or Britain’s Reform UK are destined for social exile. In terms of protecting democracy, this is a good thing. A long-standing principle in liberal countries is that the social tolerance of intolerance is bad. To protect society from the contagion of unpalatable and extreme political views, we socially penalise those who break away from the values and norms we value as important in tolerant societies.
But the contemporary reality is far more uncomfortable.
The prevailing wisdom has been that association with the radical right comes with a powerful social stigma — something so beyond the pale that it would kill your social prospects. As a result of these social costs, people were less inclined to reveal such views publicly — if people know I hate immigrants then the group chat will block me; best I keep these views to myself.
The idea that we, as a society, collectively uphold liberalism by socially sanctioning those with intolerant views is a comforting narrative, especially for those who view their political beliefs as a mark of moral decency, and who assume that society at large shares their disdain for illiberal, nativist or even outright explicitly xenophobic views.
Our evidence shows that radical-right voters are not shunned from the dating market in any meaningful way, but often treated just like anyone else
The radical right has become increasingly normalised over time. In fact, the evidence we find shows that radical-right voters are not, in practice, shunned from the dating market in any meaningful way. If anything, they’re often treated just like anyone else. Why? Because in times of polarisation — when centre-right voters and centre-left voters hold such negative views of each other — voters are far more inclined to accommodate those on the extremes than to cross the political floor.
To assess whether voting for the radical right comes with social costs and a lower chance of finding a date, we conducted a behavioural experiment with over 2,000 participants from Britain and Spain. We asked participants — men and women, straight and LGBTQ — to swipe on over 20,000 AI-generated dating profiles. The profiles varied randomly in looks, ethnicity, occupation, education, interests, and most crucially, political affiliation.
This design allowed us to test whether simply expressing support for a radical-right party (Reform UK in Britain, VOX in Spain) reduced a person’s dating appeal. Are radical-right voters more likely to be rejected when looking for a date?
When participants swiped left or right on actual profiles, the penalty for radical-right support was surprisingly weak. In Britain, participants were more likely to choose radical-right supporters than Conservative supporters. In Spain, there was a penalty for radical-right supporters, but only among the more left-leaning participants. Participants who vote for the centre right in Spain preferred a radical-right voter over a centre-left voter. Clearly, political difference — not social stigma — drives the penalty.
People are more likely to reject someone from the opposing ideological bloc than someone from a party with extreme views on their own side of the political spectrum
In a world of ever-deepening political polarisation, it turns out that the lines that matter most aren’t between 'acceptable' and 'unacceptable' views — they’re between political camps. People are more likely to reject someone from the opposing ideological bloc than someone from a party with extreme views within their own camp. For many on the centre-right, the 'enemy' isn’t the radical right — it’s the centre-left.
This raises a pressing question for anyone who cares about liberal democracy. If we treat supporters of the radical right like 'any other' prospective date, what does that mean for the broader struggle against intolerance? The decline of social stigma against the radical right is not an accident. In fact, it reflects a deeper shift in how political identity has hardened into rival camps. In this landscape, the willingness to date a radical-right supporter isn’t about shared values or ideology — it’s about rejecting the other side at all costs.
This is dangerous. Social stigma at its best has served as a firebreak against the mainstreaming of illiberal, exclusionary politics. When these boundaries no longer affect even our most personal choices — who we love, who we build families with — we risk sliding further into a world where society normalises, accepts, and ultimately empowers the radical right.
By treating radical-right supporters as acceptable partners, allies, or coalition members, the centre right erodes the social and political norms that uphold democratic values
The burden of resistance cannot fall solely on the political left. Centre-right partisans must recognise that their accommodation of the radical right is not neutral — it is enabling. By treating radical-right supporters as acceptable partners, allies, or coalition members, they erode the social and political norms that uphold democratic values. The centre right has long claimed to be a bulwark against extremism and it has served this role in in the past. Today, it faces a choice: act as the guardian of liberal democracy or become complicit in its unravelling. When it comes to forming social relations, so far, the centre-right is complicit.
So, is it really that hard to find a date when you vote radical right? The answer, unsettlingly, is no. But for democracy’s sake, maybe it should be.
