Germany heads to the polls on 23 February, amid an economic recession. Renée Krug, Stefan Wallaschek and Pauline Ahlhaus analyse the parties' main election programmes, and show how, in contrast with left-wing parties, those on the right rarely address gendered economic inequalities and LGBTQI rights. With polls indicating a CDU-led government, gender-related issues are at risk of being sidelined — or even reversed
The polarising issue of migration continues to feature heavily in German media. But in the lead-up to the elections, the country's stagnant economy, rising unemployment (despite a persistent shortage of skilled workers), and questions of social justice, are wielding greater influence on voters' decisions. A strong focus on economic issues may overshadow gender policy proposals. Some economic reforms, meanwhile, could have unintended consequences for gender equality. So, who do these manifestos address — and which issues do they highlight?
A close look at the party manifestos reveals sharp differences in how parties address these target groups. As the graphs below show, Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) focuses strongly on families and children. It is the only party that mentions both mothers and fathers, and it makes the fewest references to women. In contrast, other manifestos scarcely mention mothers, fathers, or men.
An ideological divide emerges on LGBTQI+ issues between the various parties. Such issues appear mainly in the manifestos of (centre-)left parties, to signal support for LGBTQI+ rights. Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) and AfD oppose the self-determination law. They also denounce 'gender ideology', implying the exclusion of trans, inter, and/or non-binary voters. (Centre-)left parties (Die Linke/The Left, Bündnis 90 Die Grünen/Greens, and Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands/SPD), on the other hand, reference LGBTQI+ positively, emphasising the electoral relevance of LGBTIQ+ individuals. The Christian Democratic Union and the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU), which have a joint manifesto, take an ambivalent stance. While it rejects the self-determination law, it still includes lesbian, gay and bisexual interests within its definition of marriage and family.
While Germany's gender pay gap has recently dropped from 18% to 16% after years of stagnation, it remains comparatively high. All leftist parties acknowledge these structural wage disparities, and have proposed various solutions to further reduce them. These include implementing the EU Pay Transparency Directive, stronger gender quotas in leadership positions (SPD and Greens) and a Pay Equality Act (The Left). By contrast, and in conflict with affirmative gender equality policies, the liberal Freie Demokratische Partei (FDP) and conservative CDU/CSU promote a merit-based system. AfD and BSW manifestos don't mention the pay gap at all.
Women in Germany earn 16% less than men on average, yet only the manifestos of leftist parties acknowledge structural wage disparities
Women are more likely to work part-time, often in mini-jobs, that lack social security coverage. SPD, Greens, BSW and The Left propose converting mini-jobs into social security-covered positions, simultaneously raising the minimum wage. CDU/CSU and FDP oppose such measures, promoting instead market-driven solutions such as increasing female entrepreneurship, and encouraging girls to pursue careers in male-dominated fields like technology and engineering.
The spousal splitting system widens income disparity among couples yet further. The Left and Greens seek to abolish it. SPD and FDP support a gradual transition toward a fairer tax burden distribution that maintains spousal tax advantages. AfD’s 'family splitting' tax proposal reinforces traditional single-earner households. CDU/CSU, by contrast, seeks to retain the status quo. Instead of changing the spousal tax system, they are proposing tax deductions for household-related services, a policy that would benefit primarily high-income families.
The reconciliation of care and paid work remains a pressing issue. While children are legally entitled to daycare from the age of one, demand exceeds available spots, leaving many families without childcare access.
All major parties support expanding childcare facilities. But while The Left and SPD prioritise free daycare (BSW only during school holidays), CDU, Greens, and FDP focus on tax-deductible childcare costs, which favours higher-income families. AfD supports only company daycare, favouring parental care at home.
Children are legally entitled to daycare from the age of one, but demand exceeds available spots, leaving many families without childcare access
The so-called care crisis also affects elderly care. With policies similar to those related to parental leave, SPD, Greens, BSW and The Left propose paid caregiving leave (Pflegegeld) to support those taking time off to care for relatives. The Left and BSW go one further, demanding pension credits for caregivers. CDU and AfD both prioritise strengthening domestic care. Yet, while CDU aims to introduce a flexible care budget, AfD seeks to shift care responsibilities back onto families, particularly women.
Regarding parental leave and childcare benefits, parties’ approaches vary. The Greens, SPD, and The Left are pushing for greater involvement of fathers, and advocate for the introduction of paternity leave. FDP would offer four months, similar to SPD's six months' paternity leave. SPD, moreover, proposes expanding non-transferable parental leave quotas. The Greens suggest financial incentives to encourage equal caregiving, but provide no specifics. FDP, SPD, the Greens, and The Left support an extension of maternity protections to self-employed women. In contrast, AfD proposes a child-rearing allowance which encourages stay-at-home parenting. It advocates for a traditionalist family model and (neo)conservative gender roles. CDU/CSU do not specify whether they have plans to promote a partnership-based division of paid work and caregiving.
So, FDP and CDU/CSU have deprioritised gender equality at a time of economic uncertainty. Rather than addressing women’s structural economic disadvantages, CDU/CSU focuses solely on family policies. With CDU/CSU expected to lead the next government, gender equality policies are at risk of stagnation — or even regression.
AfD promotes traditionalist, highly restrictive policies that undermine women’s rights and economic independence
This tendency is even more pronounced in AfD’s retrograde vision of family and gender roles, which promotes traditionalist, highly restrictive policies that undermine women’s rights and economic independence. Consequently, key economic gender disparities — such as the gender pay gap, spousal splitting, and transformation of mini-jobs into regular employment — are unlikely to be addressed in the next legislative period, despite rising uncertainty over pensions, health, and the overall transformation of the German economy.
The extent to which the government will consider gender equality issues will depend on CDU/CSU’s coalition partner — which could be SPD, FDP, or the Greens — as well as on strong mobilisation by gender equality organisations. Without these efforts, gender equality policies will face growing political and public pressure from the right during the next legislative term.
No.19 in a Loop thread on Gendering Democracy. Look out for the 🌈 to read more in this series
Hello Renée, Stefan and Pauline,
great job - a really very interesting analysis!
Given the AfD's clearly backward-looking gender policy, it is not surprising that it is mainly voted for by men. Nevertheless, it is surprising that the difference in the proportion of voters between men and women is not even greater. Apparently, there is also a certain degree of approval among women for the party's populist and conservative approaches - an exciting aspect that could be scrutinised further.
Best regards Andi