Why are Russians struggling to access YouTube?

In Russia, it is becoming increasingly difficult to get a reliable connection to YouTube, as the government seeks to limit access to global content. Newer platforms like the Russian Rutube offer only limited content, leaving users feeling disconnected. But is this strategy truly beneficial for the Kremlin? Olga Vlasova considers whether it might have deeper political motives

Russians terminate internet contracts amid YouTube disruptions

In Russia, subscribers to more than 135 regional internet providers have begun terminating their contracts because of disruptions to websites including YouTube. The disruption has caused significant unrest among users who rely heavily on the platform for learning and entertainment.

Russian authorities have deliberately reduced YouTube's loading speed, with the aim of restricting access. While the government hasn't blocked the platform completely, slow loading makes it difficult for users to stream content efficiently, and this discourages people from using it.

To tackle these slowdowns and the subsequent loss of subscriber contracts, regional operators had been deploying software to speed up internet access for their customers, and bypass government restrictions. In response, government agency Roskomnadzor issued directives to regional operators to comply with immediately with its restrictions. Roskomnadzor warned that companies seeking ways to speed up YouTube access risked losing their licenses without trial.

While YouTube is not blocked completely in Russia, there is growing concern that more severe restrictions may be imminent

This warning has added to internet users' growing concerns. Media outlets, however, have been relatively quiet on the issue. The government's official explanation attributes the disruptions to equipment problems with Google. Many Russians, however, remain sceptical and increasingly dissatisfied.

For now, users have found workarounds such as VPNs or mobile internet sharing to maintain access. However, there is mounting worry that the government may impose more severe restrictions in the future.

'Dear subscribers! The YouTube service is currently restricted on all devices (computers, TVs, tablets). The issues are not related to any limitations from TTK. Unfortunately, our staff will not be able to assist in improving the quality of this service. We recommend using other video services.'

Russians favour YouTube over Russian television

The slowdown is highly significant, not least because, increasingly, Russians have been watching YouTube rather than television. Even as far back as 2019, a Russian Public Opinion Research Center (VCIOM) survey found that Russians considered YouTube the TV of the 21st century. More than half of respondents (58%) were YouTube users, with 25% using it almost daily and 19% several times a week.

In a 2019 survey, many respondents reported that YouTube had become an integral part of their daily lives

For many Russians, YouTube has become a convenient alternative to broadcast TV. Unlike TV, YouTube allows users to watch what they want, when they want, making it a flexible, tailored experience. Many respondents from the Moscow, Sverdlovsk, and Yaroslavl regions reported that YouTube had become an integral part of their daily lives. People used the platform to learn about topics as varied as health, gardening, and knitting. Many parents relied on YouTube to entertain their children while they got on with household tasks.

Russian interest in social-political content

Given YouTube's integral role in Russian life, it is unsurprising that the Kremlin fears its influence, even if the prime motivation for YouTube use by Russians is largely non-political.

According to Mediascope research shared by RBC, in October 2022, only 8% of YouTube search queries from Russian users were for socio-political content. Music led the percentage of searches, at 19%, followed by entertainment at 18%, children's content at 12%, video games at 11%, and TV series at 9%.

Yet spikes of interest do occur during significant political events, of which the Kremlin is likely aware. The first major surge occurred in February 2022 with the onset of Russia's full-scale military operation in Ukraine. At this point, searches for socio-political content rose to 8%. By March, such searches had doubled to 15%. Interest then declined, with searches dropping to 11% in April and just 5% by August.

While Russians’ primary interest in YouTube is non-political, during key political events they will turn to the platform for essential, unbiased information

September 2022 saw a second wave of interest in socio-political content, coinciding with the announcement of partial mobilisation of Russian reservists. At this point, searches peaked at 9%.

This fluctuation illustrates that while Russians use YouTube primarily for non-political matters, during key political events they will turn to it for essential, unbiased information.

Rutube: a poor substitute for YouTube

The creation of Rutube by Russian authorities nearly 20 years ago was a strategic response to the rise of global video-hosting platforms. Following the recent restrictions on YouTube access, Rutube grew by 24% in August 2024, to reach 58.3 million viewers.

But Rutube users are failing to find the content they were familiar with on YouTube. Users who study foreign languages or watch knitting tutorials by Asian bloggers, or parents who show their children BBC programmes, now struggle to find similar content on the platform. And while Rutube has created a migration service to facilitate the transfer of videos, the service is used primarily by Russian bloggers.

In short, Rutube still lacks the international content that many users find appealing. Though Rutube is expanding, it still has a long way to go before it can fully replace YouTube for users seeking diverse, high-quality content.

Curbing the influence of foreign media

By restricting engagement with YouTube, Russian authorities are reducing access to the opium of the people that, to some extent, has kept Russians disengaged from politics and given them a sense of stability and calm, even during times of war. The decision not to block YouTube entirely aligns with the Kremlin's broader pacification strategy, which it implemented following its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

At the same time, the Kremlin is likely aware of surging interest in socio-political content during significant moments. This has probably made it wary that future events could lead to uncontrollable shifts in public opinion if YouTube remains accessible.

By limiting access to the platform, the government is seeking to reduce Russians' exposure to content it cannot control. This move fits within the Kremlin's broader strategy to manage the narrative in Russia and curb the influence of foreign media.

This article presents the views of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the ECPR or the Editors of The Loop.

Author

photograph of Olga Vlasova
Olga Vlasova
Visiting Researcher, Russia Institute, King’s College London

Olga conducts research on Russian politics.

Her background is in practical politics and political science.

Olga's educational journey includes a PhD in political science from Lomonosov Moscow State University, with a focus on the comparative analysis of educational policies in contemporary European states.

She also holds dual Bachelor's and Master's degrees in political sciences and high school teaching.

As a visiting scholar at King’s College London, Olga conducts research into the 'politics of fear and calming' in Russia.

Since January 2016, she has been an Assistant Professor at the State Academic University for the Humanities in Moscow, where she has taught various disciplines, including regional politics and comparative politics.

Olga's contributions extend beyond academia to practical politics.

She has been Director of International Internship at the Higher School of Economics University and has held various management roles at the Moscow School of Management, SKOLKOVO.

Olga's dedication to democracy and public service is evident in her active involvement in Russian politics.

Olga currently serves as an advisor to the leader of the Yabloko faction in the Moscow City Duma and is a member of the Youth Public Chamber of Russia.

She has also been a candidate in parliamentary elections, an authorised representative in presidential elections, and has played a significant role in YABLOKO party campaigns.

Throughout her career, Olga has received prestigious awards, including the Scholarship of the Government of the Russian Federation and the Scholarship of the Vladimir Potanin Foundation.

Olga's research primarily focuses on propaganda and media, societal support for violence, digital authoritarianism, educational policies, and political education in contemporary European states.

Currently, Olga continues her work on the complex tactics employed by the Russian government to manipulate public sentiment in connection with Russia's war in Ukraine.

This project focuses on contemporary 'politics of pacification' strategies employed by the Russian government since the start of the war.

It aims to determine the effectiveness of these pacification efforts and their implications for contemporary governance during crises.

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