Populist impulses are having a growing impact on the political landscape of several Western democracies. Jamie Gillies, Vincent Raynauld and Angela Wisniewski unpack the effects of populism in Canada, arguing that during the Covid-19 pandemic, populist strategies grew as public faith in government messaging eroded
Many academics consider recent manifestations of unchecked populism to be the antithesis to representative democracy. The Founding Fathers of the United States and the Fathers of the Confederation in Canada understood this, settling on political systems which kept populism in check. European democracies have also designed systems knowing full well that populist surges arise every couple of generations. But the populist shifts we have seen over recent decades have affected several nations with established social democratic systems, including the US, UK, and countries in the EU. Canada has also experienced populist impulses – including the so-called Freedom Convoy protesting Covid restrictions – that may alter its political culture.
Academics are increasingly studying how principles of populism have been leveraged for political communication and marketing. Contemporary approaches to populist politicking rest – for the most part – on strategies designed to reinforce specific political values and objectives. For example, populist messaging tends to focus on how 'ordinary people' are sidelined and, in some cases, usurped by political elites and 'the other'. Left-wing populists often pit the 'ordinary people' against the economic and political elites, highlighting their perceived influence on education, social justice, and financial services. Right-wing populists have focused on issues relating to perceived government overreach and corruption, immigration, security, and personal freedoms.
Populist messaging tends to focus on how 'ordinary people' are sidelined and, in some cases, usurped by political elites and 'the other'
Populist messaging can lend particular weight to appeals linked to social and political grievances, resentment, and the frustrations of specific social groups. It manifests through aggressive and denunciatory language designed to catch public attention, ignite negative emotions, and mobilise the public. Populists often simplify their political messages to better connect with their intended audiences. In some cases, they can veer into conspiracies fuelled by specific beliefs or emotions. Populist political figures appeal by portraying themselves as ordinary, charismatic individuals exuding ordinariness through their personal characteristics and values. The political and professional leadership credentials of these figures also renders them relatable to members of the public. Such credentials make them ideal to embody the interests of the people. We can thus consider the personalisation of political communication a cornerstone of populist outreach and engagement.
But populism is more than resentment politics on the right of the political spectrum. Indeed, in Canada, left-wing populism can be just as strong. Two key factors have exacerbated Canada's different strands of populism:
More recently, the Covid-19 health emergency upended Canadians’ daily lives, and reshaped their political preferences and goals.
The contemporary political environment has provided politicians with opportunities to shift away from policy- and issue-based communication. Instead, they have resorted to more emotional and performative messaging that can be populist in nature. Factors driving this shift include resentment towards elites, income inequality, and the cost-of-living crisis.
Over three election cycles, beginning with Justin Trudeau’s identity-driven 2015 election campaign, provincial and federal elections have been driven increasingly by elements of populism. In their messaging appeals, many political actors have leveraged the public’s anger and resentment towards different policy priorities, institutions, and social, religious, and linguistic groups. In the media, negative forms of messaging, which capitalise on public grievances, have replaced the politics of positivity.
Populist communication has played a significant role in recent local, provincial, and national politics in Canada. But it has enjoyed only limited success. Voters tend to rely on the two big brokerage parties: Trudeau's Liberal Party of Canada to the left of centre, and the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) on the centre right.
Big-tent middle-class policy messaging, from both the right and left, usually moderates more populist views in both major parties. But the post-Brexit and post-Trump political environments, along with amplification of identity and culture wars through a wide range of media platforms, including social media, have encouraged the polarisation of political messaging.
This polarisation was apparent during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. The government put Canadian values on the line during discussions around mandates to stay at home, wear a mask, and get vaccinated. This tested the strong connection and deference Canadians had to government institutions. Much like Scandinavian citizens, Canadians had a stronger trust in government than many other democracies, including the US.
Much like Scandinavian citizens, Canadians had a stronger trust in government than many other democracies
As the pandemic dragged on, however, Canadians' faith in government messaging began to erode. With trust wearing thin, four predominant trends emerged:
Recent polls suggest that following the Canadian federal election later in 2024, Pierre Poilievre’s CPC will defeat Trudeau and emerge as the next government. Will this usher in an era of mainstreamed populist governance? Or will the opposition tamp down CPC’s populist impulses? The difference this time is that the populists, often outsiders in smaller parties clamouring for attention, are now fully inside the major party tent.
