Oliver Gruber and Philipp Schnell examine how populist radical-right parties are extending their influence far beyond traditional populist policy areas, such as immigration. Across Europe, educational policy is becoming a growing element of a distinct populist radical-right policy
The Dutch Party for Freedom, the Italian Brothers of Italy, and the Finnish Finns Party – three recent examples of populist radical right parties (PRRPs) in EU member states that have assumed government responsibility at the national level. As these parties rise to executive power, political science has increasingly sought to understand how their ideology translates into actual policy, in particular on their signature issues, such as immigration and European integration.
However, these parties' influence now reaches beyond these signature areas into sectors less associated with PRRPs, such as education policy. The results are important indicators of the future of populism. (Formal) education, a critical pillar of any democratic society, shapes citizens' beliefs and encourages democratic participation: good reasons to gain deeper insight into how PRRPs approach education policy.
Education shapes citizens' beliefs and encourages democratic participation: good reasons to gain deeper insight into how populist radical-right parties approach education policy
One prime example is the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ), a recurrent participant in Austrian national governments (2000–2002; 2002–2005; 2018–2019) and by now the strongest parliamentary party after its recent landslide victory. The FPÖ provides key insight how PRRPs' core ideologies manifest in their educational positions and, eventually, translate into legislation once they are in power.
We conducted a longitudinal analysis (1990–2020) of the FPÖ’s educational policy positions in manifestos and plenary speeches. Beyond that we also examined the policies implemented during the party's three periods in government. Our analysis reveals an approach aligned with PRRPs’ core ideological principles of populism, nativism and authoritarianism.
The FPÖ explicitly attacks mainstream centre-left and centre-right parties' traditional educational policies. It denounces left-wing 'mollycoddling' approaches to education, and criticises the stagnation brought about by right-wing dominance over educational bureaucracy and teachers' unions.
Instead, the FPÖ advocates for supposedly apolitical schools, free from ideological influence. Like many populist parties, it claims to represent the interests of 'the people' over corrupt elites. This anti-mainstream trait directly introduces PRRPs' populist character into education policy.
PRRPs consistently pursue nativism in education. For example, the FPÖ calls for the separation of immigrant pupils and it vehemently opposes Islamic practices in schools. At the same time, such parties increasingly claim to defend Christian traditions, using education to preserve and promote the 'dominant culture'. Accordingly, during its most recent stint in government, the FPÖ implemented separate German-language classes for immigrant children, and banned headscarves in primary schools.
During its most recent stint in government, the FPÖ implemented separate German-language classes for immigrant children, and banned headscarves in primary schools
Tied to PRRPs' third core principle, authoritarianism, the FPÖ promotes a merit-based approach to education. As the party sees it, learning is the outcome of individual will, effort, and competence. It downplays relevant socio-economic factors that shape educational outcomes, such as poor housing or social class. Instead, the party advocates for stronger differentiation in school tracks (streaming), objective grading, and standardised testing. It also favours performance-based selection over comprehensive schooling.
In government, together with its conservative coalition partner, the FPÖ reintroduced numerical grading from Year 2, and imposed ability-based streaming in lower secondary education. It also tightened institutional authority, imposing stricter penalties for school absences.
Increasingly, the FPÖ advocates for liberalisation. This is not one of PRRPs' core principles, but it is strongly tied to the FPÖ’s historic roots in German-national liberalism. The party calls for more autonomy and increased competition among schools, and for greater parental choice. It supports private schools, and demands curricula more closely aligned with the needs of the economy and enterprise. The party advocates for decentralisation and greater efficiency in the education system, both typically neoliberal policies.
These ideological traits shape the FPÖ’s education policies, yet the emphasis varies over time. Anti-mainstream attacks are particularly likely during periods in opposition; other traits tend to evolve into more nuanced and implementable proposals when the party is in government. The successful translation of these policies into legislation shows how the populist radical right is shaping areas of policy not usually on its home turf.
The FPÖ is a pioneer among PRRPs in translating its core ideologies into educational policy. But it is not alone. Across Europe, more PRRPs are now using cultural politics to shape education systems.
Recent studies of various countries show how these parties often emphasise nativist and authoritarian values in their educational agendas. They address language, values, majority religion, and national history in curricula and in the organisation of educational institutions.
Populist radical-right parties advocate for separate teaching and for stricter obligations for pupils from certain minority groups
Definitions of 'nativist' might vary depending on national contexts and the respective autochthonous / allochthonous minorities, the history of the nation or religious traditions. Yet the protection of the 'native' population against the influence of non-native groups is a unifying theme. It unites the Austrian FPÖ with Italy's Lega, France's Rassemblement National, and the Danish People's Party.
PRRPs share a focus on measures that target minority groups they believe are dragging down overall educational performance. These measures include specialised education programmes, separate teaching, and stricter obligations for minority pupils and parents. In contrast, redistributional aspects of educational policies are less coherent across European PRRPs. There is a common tendency to support differentiated forms of schooling and tracking, but policies on private schooling, centralisation, and educational expansion are more varied.
Forced to balance their traditional opposition profiles with the new role of government parties, PRRPs increasingly use education policy as a vehicle for nativist populism. Right-wing populists are challenging the status quo and redefining the role of schooling. In heterogenous European societies, this is a delicate balancing act, which they seem to be managing more and more effectively.
