Scholars and journalists tend to focus on the misogyny of right-wing autocrats. But Jennifer Piscopo argues that we mustn't overlook the patriarchal attitudes of left-wing populists. They may not directly attack women and gender minorities, but they also roll back gender equality gains
In their opening piece for this series, Conny Roggeband and Andrea KrizsĂĄn argue that aspiring right-wing autocrats use misogyny deliberately and strategically.
Leaders like former US president Donald Trump and current Hungarian prime minister Viktor OrbĂĄn do not just âaccidentallyâ demean women and âcoincidentallyâ roll back their rights. Rather, fomenting backlash to gender equality contributes to democratic erosion: misogyny, homophobia, and transphobia win votes, undermine opponents, and shore up patriarchal rule.
Yet left-wing leaders with authoritarian tendencies cannot deploy misogyny so easily.
Women are key participants in the class-based social movements that catapult leftist presidents to power. Ameliorating gender-based inequality figures marginally in these leadersâ populist projects. Yet open misogyny may alienate their electoral base.
Examples from Latin America show that while left-wing authoritarians share the rightâs patriarchal tendencies, they rarely attack women and gender minorities directly.
Women's votes are key to bringing leftist presidents to power. Open misogyny therefore risks alienating their electoral base
Instead, left-wing populists pursue two strategies. The first is policy mitigation, wherein they allow but then later undo feminist wins. The second constitutes defensive dismissals, wherein they say nothing about women or gender until called upon to defend their record â in which case they minimise feministsâ concerns.
Would-be authoritarians rise to power through elections but then unravel the very democratic institutions and norms that benefited their rise.
Latin Americaâs right-wing presidents clearly fit this mould. For example, former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro combined openly misogynistic comments with concrete rollbacks to womenâs rights. He reduced the number of women in cabinet and slashed the budget to combat violence against women by 90%.
Latin America also faces aspiring autocrats on the left. Usually populists, their legitimacy hinges on undoing class-based inequality. They are champions of oft-neglected social groups, like the urban and rural poor celebrated by Mexican president Andrés Manual López Obrador (AMLO) or the Indigenous peoples led by former Bolivian president Evo Morales.
The charisma and mass-based social movements of such politicians carry them to electoral victory but they, too, undermine democracy in order to remain in power.
A Morales-packed high court scrapped term limits so Morales could run a third and then a fourth time. AMLO â whose Morena party enjoys a congressional majority â recently passed an electoral law that hobbles the independent institutions ensuring Mexicoâs free and fair elections. A weakened National Election Institute and federal electoral court system could very well deliver Morena an undeserved victory in 2024.
Like the communist revolutionaries of the past, left-wing populist leaders contend that womenâs liberation will be achieved via class equality. In reality, their policies often shore up traditional gender roles. Take the soup kitchens organised by Venezuelaâs Hugo ChĂĄvez: direct service provision to the poor relied on womenâs domestic labour.
Men leaders on the left also prove just as sexist as men on the right. By his own admission, Morales loved macho and homophobic jokes. ChĂĄvez blew kisses at women diplomats and commented on their bodies. AMLO said that while changing womenâs roles was a âjust causeâ of feminism, it was still tradition for Mexican daughters to care for their parents.
Hiding sexism behind tradition matters because left-wing populists rely on womenâs support. They appoint women to high-profile roles. These figures are not mere pinkwashing: women ministers and legislators receive significant policy latitude in left populistsâ administrations and implement important womenâs rights reforms.
During Moralesâ tenure, a revised constitution achieved gender parity for Bolivia's legislature. Legislative reforms established Indigenous womenâs land rights and expanded access to abortion.
Rather than openly deriding or opposing moves towards gender equality, left-wing populists permit, but then mitigate them
Likewise, a landmark 'parity in everything' constitutional reform was passed in Mexico during AMLOâs term. The law requires gender parity at all branches and all levels of government. A cross-partisan group of women legislators, party members, and feminist activists â including women from Morena â fought for the reform.
Rather than openly deriding or opposing these measures, left-wing populists permit, but then mitigate, feminist gains.
After Boliviaâs abortion liberalisation bill passed, conservative groups cried foul. Morales responded by ârequestingâ the legislative assembly to repeal the law â which it did. In Mexico, the recent electoral reform reduces election authoritiesâ enforcement over parity in everything and waters down provisions that prevent accused sex offenders from standing as candidates.
Rollbacks to womenâs rights often happen without the fanfare that accompanied the initial victory â and without the glee expressed by authoritarians in right-wing regimes. Sexist comments aside, openly attacking women is not part of left populistsâ brands.
Yet when asked to defend their records, left-wing populists reveal their true colours.
Mexico has shockingly high rates of violence against women, but AMLO has cut funding for services, especially in Indigenous communities. Heâs repeatedly diminished feministsâ critiques of his inaction and their concerns about rising femicides.
Attacking women is not part of left populistsâ brands, yet when asked to defend their records, they reveal their true colours
He characterised the record numbers of calls to emergency hotlines during the pandemic as âfakesâ and âpranks.â He dismissed feminists' claims that the gruesome killings of women merit particular concern, responding that âall murders matter'. When thousands of women marched to demand justice on International Womenâs Day, AMLO erected barriers around the presidential palace. He accused the feminist movement of becoming âconservative.â
Women are welcome in left populistsâ coalitions â until they challenge the patriarchâs power. They then become enemies of the progressive political project; their concerns dismissed.
Left-wing populists erode democratic checks and balances, but without directly attacking women and gender minorities. Their statements about women are decidedly patriarchal and patronising, but they avoid comments unless pressed. After all, women and feminists form an important part of their base, and of their leadership teams.
So on the one hand, left populists champion women leaders and womenâs rights, allowing key gains. But on the other, they pass additional measures that mitigate gender equality policiesâ effectiveness.
This duality underscores the need to better theorise the relationship between misogyny and democratic backsliding in leftist regimes. Presidents like ChĂĄvez, Morales, and AMLO are no less patriarchal than Trump, OrbĂĄn, and Bolsonaro, but perhaps less brashly so.
No.7 in a Loop thread on Gendering democracy. Look out for the đ to read more in this series
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