On 6 September 2025, the Italian extreme right sealed a new pact. At a national congress, CasaPound Italia, Patriots’ Network (a Forza Nuova splinter), Veneto Skinhead Front, and Brescia to Bresciani launched the committee they call Remigration and Reconquest. Federico Taddei argues its launch could mark a turning point in Italy’s extreme-right galaxy
The Italian extreme right has long been an archipelago: fragmented, internally divided, and marked by a proliferation of competing movements. For decades, two names marked its landscape: Forza Nuova (FN) and CasaPound Italia (CPI). Both competed for dominance in the streets, with rival claims to represent the front line of Italian neofascism.
But this balance began to change in 2020, when FN suffered an internal schism. From this rift emerged the National Movement-Patriots’ Network (MN-RdP). This splinter group sought not simply to replicate FN’s formula, but to promote new forms of cooperation between extreme-right labels. In the years since, small but significant collaborations have multiplied. Between November 2024 and May 2025, joint demonstrations were held in Bologna, Brescia, Padova, Varese and La Spezia. MN-RdP was preparing the ground for something bigger. Step by step, what had looked like a competing archipelago began to resemble something more unified.
This trajectory culminated on 6 September 2025 in Grosseto, where CPI’s annual congress announced a new committee: Remigration and Reconquest. For the first time, the most visible organisations of Italy’s militant extreme right agreed to unite under a common banner. Alongside CPI stood RdP, itself the product of FN’s split in 2020; Veneto Skinhead Front, the oldest and most notorious neofascist skinhead group in the country, active since the mid-1980s; and Brescia to Bresciani, a younger formation that first appeared as a Facebook page in 2015 before becoming a structured local movement with the goal of uniting the extreme right at regional level.
The novelty lies not simply in their cooperation, but in their willingness to put aside their individual symbols and old rivalries to build a shared project. Unlike the ad hoc collaborations of the past, the creation of Remigration and Reconquest signals the organisations' intention to consolidate their identities into a single political brand. And the core of their brand is clear: the demand for remigration.
On 16 September, the new committee released a joint statement across its social media platforms. The text was striking for its tone and its content. The groups declared that their aim was to create a transversal movement that could bring together militant communities, cultural associations, and all those 'who refuse to give in to the replacement taking place against our people and the European peoples'.
Remigration and Reconquest is a street-level project, rooted in mobilisation, confrontation, and an anti-system ethos
This was accompanied by a strong rejection of institutional politics characteristic of the extreme right. 'We didn’t put on a suit and tie; we're not looking for a seat in Parliament', they wrote. 'The path is clear and we will need everyone’s real participation, which is worth much more than a vote and more than a like'. Their words leave no ambiguity: it is a street-level project, rooted in mobilisation, confrontation, and an anti-system ethos.
The Committee's short, ten-point manifesto lays out the proposal of this project, presenting remigration as both policy and myth. Concretely, it calls for stricter border controls, mass expulsions of irregular migrants, and the 'confiscation of productive means' from businesses accused of profiting from immigration. It proposes the creation of different institutions and funds to finance expulsions. It demands abolition of the Flows Decree, a halt to NGOs' involvement in migrant rescues, and incentives for Italian descendants to return. And it links these policies to a broader narrative of national rebirth, advocating the creation of a Birth Fund and the revision of welfare allocation criteria to privilege Italians.
The Remigration and Reconquest Committee manifesto calls for stricter border controls, mass expulsions of irregular migrants, and the 'confiscation of productive means' from businesses accused of profiting from immigration
Taken together, these proposals amount to a radical reframing of the extreme-right agenda around the single axis of remigration. Of course, nativism has always been central to this milieu. Here, however it is elevated into the movement’s defining principle; the key to solving Italy’s social, cultural, and economic problems. In this sense, remigration becomes a political programme and a symbolic Trojan horse: an issue capable of unifying previously divided actors under the myth of a 'pure nation'.
At first glance, this development may seem marginal. Extreme-right organisations in Italy have consistently failed to achieve electoral relevance, and their mobilisations rarely attract large crowds. Yet dismissing the creation of Remigration and Reconquest would be a mistake. For the first time, long-competing groups have bound themselves into a unified structure, shedding individual identities in favour of a collective label.
Long-competing groups have bound themselves into a unified structure, shedding individual identities in favour of a collective label
In the past, FN and CPI occasionally cooperated for specific demonstrations, but these alliances were always extemporary. The novelty here lies in formalisation: a new committee, a common name, and a manifesto that articulates a shared political identity. All the signs — from joint street actions to the adoption of a common platform without individual symbols — point to an important evolution in the Italian extreme right’s capacity to organise itself.
Across Western Europe, radical-right parties have gained increasing political and electoral traction. Italy’s extreme right, by contrast, has remained marginal, fragmented, and often self-defeating. The launch of Remigration and Reconquest may represent an attempt to change this trajectory: to unify under a single issue – remigration – and to mobilise different militant communities.
Whether this committee will evolve into a formal party remains uncertain. But the creation of a new, unified label already signals a potential turning point. If old rivalries are set aside and street mobilisation channels into a shared identity, the Italian extreme right may emerge as a more cohesive, and potentially more threatening, actor in the years ahead.
As Alessandro Manzoni wrote in his poem The Fifth of May: 'To posterity the arduous sentence'.
Very worrying. Are there any clues about the Italian Prime Minister's stance on this development? There must be some people in her circle who have a sympathy for what these ER parties have agreed to do?