Russia’s changing Arctic policy: from economic ambitions to military dominance

Russia’s Arctic policy has shifted from economic ambitions to military dominance, especially since the outbreak of war in Ukraine. As Western sanctions isolate Moscow, it is deepening ties with China while militarising the Arctic to counter NATO’s northern expansion. Doğuş Sönmez explains how Russia's policy on the Arctic is reshaping the geopolitical balance of the region

Why the Arctic matters

The Arctic is no longer an indiscoverable and frozen area but a strategic arena for global energy and trade. The region is estimated to hold 13% of the world’s untapped oil and 30% of its undiscovered natural gas reserves, a resource base that surpasses Saudi Arabia’s known petroleum deposits. Simultaneously, climate change is accelerating ice melting, making the Northern Sea Route (NSR) a viable alternative for trade between Asia and Europe.

For Russia, the Arctic is not just about energy and shipping, but is a core component of its geopolitical strategy. Moscow views the region as essential for national security, economic growth, and global power projection. But Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and the ongoing war, have significantly reshaped Russia’s Arctic ambitions. Western sanctions have hindered Arctic energy projects, NATO has expanded its northern presence, and Russia has shifted its focus eastward, strengthening ties with China and other Asian nations.

Russia’s pre-war Arctic strategy

Before 2022, Russia’s Arctic policy was guided by two key documents: the 2008 Arctic Strategy and the 2020 Arctic Policy. These documents emphasised the region’s role in Russia’s economic security, and geopolitical strategy.

One pillar of Russia’s Arctic ambition is resource extraction. The Arctic is rich in oil, gas, minerals, and rare earth metals, and Moscow has invested heavily in developing these reserves. State-backed energy giants such as Rosneft and Gazprom have launched massive Arctic exploration projects. The NSR, which Russia aims to develop into a competitive global shipping corridor, controlling access and generating revenue from transit fees, has also been a strategic focus.

Beyond economic ambitions, Russia has prioritised military security in the Arctic. In recent years, Moscow has reopened Soviet-era military bases, deployed advanced radar systems, and expanded its fleet of nuclear-powered icebreakers. The Kremlin explains this military buildup as its response to growing NATO presence in the Arctic.

Russia previously maintained cooperation with Canada, Norway, and the US. But the Ukraine war changed this dynamic, isolating Russia from the West

Environmental protection has been part of Russia’s Arctic rhetoric, but economic and military priorities have often overshadowed sustainability efforts. While Moscow claims to support Arctic conservation, Western analysts argue that Russia’s industrial activities pose significant environmental risks.

Despite geopolitical tensions, Russia previously maintained cooperation with Arctic states such as Canada, Norway, and the United States. The Ukraine war changed this dynamic, isolating Russia from Western Arctic institutions.

Postwar changes

Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 triggered three significant shifts in Russia’s Arctic policy: economic disruptions as a result of Western sanctions, increased militarisation, and a strategic pivot towards Asia.

First, Western sanctions devastated Russia’s Arctic energy sector. Companies like ExxonMobil and BP withdrew from Russian projects, disrupting key oil and gas developments. Sanctions also restricted Russia’s access to Western technology, slowing energy extraction efforts. In response, Russia has sought new partnerships with China, which has expressed growing interest in Arctic investments. However, Chinese technology cannot fully replace Western expertise, and this creates challenges for Russia’s Arctic ambitions.

Finland and Sweden’s NATO accession has transformed the regional security landscape, forcing Moscow to reinforce its military presence in the Arctic

Second, NATO’s northern expansion has heightened military tensions in the Arctic. The accession to NATO of Finland and Sweden has transformed the regional security landscape, forcing Moscow to reinforce its military presence in the Arctic. Russia has increased Arctic military exercises, expanded its air defence systems, and deployed new Arctic-based military units. These actions suggest a shift from economic prioritisation to military dominance in the region.

Third, Russia has intensified its cooperation with China under the 'Polar Silk Road' initiative. As Western shipping companies reduce operations along the NSR, Russia has turned to Chinese investments to sustain Arctic infrastructure projects.

Comparing Russia’s Arctic strategies in 2008 and 2020

2008 strategy2020 strategy
The Arctic as a strategic energy hub for national economic growth The Arctic as a core region for Russian sovereignty and security 
Emphasis on maintaining the Arctic as a peaceful zone of cooperation Increased focus on military expansion to counter NATO 
Development of the NSR as a national transport corridorExpansion of the NSR into a globally competitive trade route 
Environmental sustainability and Indigenous rights protection Economic and military priorities take precedence over environmental concerns 
Source: Stockholm International Peace Research Institute

The Ukraine war has shifted priorities towards security and military dominance, with economic and environmental concerns becoming secondary.

The future of Russia’s Arctic strategy

Russia’s Arctic strategy has traditionally balanced economic ambitions with military and geopolitical considerations. However, the Ukraine war has forced a recalibration: militarisation and reliance on Asian partnerships now define Moscow’s Arctic approach.

The long-term success of Russia’s Arctic ambitions depends on several factors. Can Russia sustain its Arctic economy without Western investment and technology? Can China and other Asian partners fill the gap left by Western companies? How will NATO’s Arctic presence shape Russia’s security policies? These questions will determine whether Moscow can maintain its leadership in the region.

If Trump maintains his scepticism toward NATO, Russia might feel emboldened to further militarise the Arctic

With Donald Trump’s return to the White House, Russia’s Arctic strategy may have to grapple with new geopolitical dynamics. Trump’s past foreign policy favoured bilateral deals over multilateral alliances. This could lead to a loosening of US Arctic commitments and, potentially, make room for limited US-Russia cooperation in energy and trade. However, if Trump maintains his scepticism toward NATO, Russia might feel emboldened to further militarise the Arctic, exploiting potential fractures in Western security coordination.

The Arctic will remain a key battleground for energy security, climate change policies, and global power struggles in the coming years. Russia’s ability to adapt to these challenges will shape its Arctic future, and broader geopolitical influence.

This article presents the views of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the ECPR or the Editors of The Loop.

Author

photograph of Doğuş Sönmez
Doğuş Sönmez
Research Assistant, Kadir Has University / PhD Candidate, International Relations Programme, Galatasaray University

Doğuş' most recent research examined how the Russian war on Ukraine has affected the environment and whether the Russian Federation's environmental policies are inconsistent with the outcomes.

He holds a BA in Political Science and International Relations and an MA in International Relations from Marmara University.

In his master's thesis, he examined the evaluation of realist Russian foreign policy in the Putin era.

Doğuş is publication co-ordinator of the Panorama Global platform and editor of the student journal Arel IR Monthly/IR Quarterly.

He also edits the podcast series Arel IR Monthly Talks/IR Quarterly Talks on the Paradigma channel.

Doğuş is a member of IPSA, ECPR, EISA, WISC, Global Academy, SİTD, and UİK.

His academic interests include theories of international relations, comparative foreign policy analysis, Russian foreign policy, and relations between Turkey, Russia, and Iran.

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