Peru's most polarising politician is making an extraordinary fourth bid for the country’s presidency. Carolina Guerrero Valencia and Ignacio Arana Araya discuss how Keiko built her career on dynastic inheritance and the First Lady role: two shortcuts to power that push fragile democracies toward soft patrimonialism
Following Peru's general elections on 12 April 2026, the right-wing populist Keiko Fujimori of the Popular Force party received 17% of the vote. In a runoff election on 7 June, she will compete for the country's presidency for the fourth consecutive time.
Keiko, as she is known in Peru, must beat the centre-left Roberto Sánchez of Together for Peru, who in the first round won 12% of ballots counted. Keiko faces this challenge carrying simultaneously the greatest political capital and the highest disapproval ratings in the race. This might be her last chance to become president, emulating her infamous father, Alberto, who governed 1990–2000, and who turned Peru into an authoritarian regime.
Alberto introduced Keiko to politics when he appointed her, aged just 19, as Peru's First Lady. The appointment came after his separation from Keiko’s mother, Susana Higuchi, who accused him of ordering intelligence agents to torture her. Keiko held the position of First Lady until her father fled to Japan in 2000 to avoid corruption charges.
Once Alberto had left Peru, Keiko inherited the leadership of Fujimorismo, the right-wing populist movement built around her father, and embodied in the Popular Force party, which she has led since its formation. Keiko also served as a legislator from 2006 to 2011.
Impeachments, votes of no confidence, and resignations mean that Peru has had eight presidents since 2018
Keiko is running for office amid severe presidential instability. Peru has had eight presidents since 2018. Clashes between the executive and legislative branches have led to rapid leadership replacements via impeachments, votes of no confidence, and resignations. Corruption scandals and weak parties in a highly fragmented Congress have accelerated this cycle.
Keiko embodies two effective pathways to political power in Latin America: dynastic inheritance and the emergence of former first ladies as successful politicians.
Keiko has built a political career tied to her father’s image. On election day, she visited her parents’ graves before voting. Within the Fujimorismo movement, she clashed with her brother Kenji, a top-voted congressman (2011–2018) who broke from Popular Force to prevent the impeachment of President Pablo Kuczynski, who governed 2016–2018. In 2018, this led to their father Alberto’s temporary release from prison, where he had been held since 2007.
In retribution for Kenji’s split from the party, the Keiko-led Popular Force released videos appearing to show Kenji buying votes. This led to the collapse of his political career. Other Fujimori family members have also served as legislators, including their mother Susana (2000–2006) and Alberto’s brother Santiago (2006–2011). Together, they have cemented the Fujimoris as Peru’s most influential political dynasty.
The Fujimori telenovela may be unique, but dynasties are not uncommon in Latin America. In Colombia, two Pastranas and two López families produced presidents a generation apart. Uruguay had four Batlles across two generations. Guatemala’s President Bernardo Arévalo is the son of former president Juan José. In Venezuela, acting President Delcy Rodríguez leads the executive while her brother Jorge presides over the National Assembly.
Between 1999 and 2026, 20 former first ladies ran for office 34 times across Latin America and were elected 23 times
This trend has recently extended to former first ladies like Keiko. Our research shows that between 1999 and 2026, 20 former first ladies ran for office 34 times across Latin America and were elected 23 times. Twelve of those candidacies came in the last ten years alone. When former first ladies run for Congress, they have won every time: 14 attempts, 14 victories.
The presidency has proved harder, with only three of eleven bids succeeding. Xiomara Castro of Honduras was the last to win, in 2021. Cristina Fernández de Kirchner of Argentina governed for two full terms (2007–2015) and is currently under house arrest. Keiko could be next.
The emergence of first ladies as candidates should not surprise us too much. They often act as the president’s closest advisers, with access to information that never reaches the cabinet. They influence policy agendas, represent the state in international forums, and coordinate across ministries, all without holding elected office or facing formal oversight. In a study of 88 first ladies across 18 Latin American countries between 1990 and 2016, we found that 75% were involved in designing, directing, or administering public programmes.
The emergence of first ladies as candidates makes sense, because they often act as the president’s closest advisers, with access to information that never reaches the cabinet
Keiko’s fourth presidential run illustrates how informal networks and family ties perpetuate dynastic power in fragile democracies with weak parties. Peru has numerous, small, and under-institutionalised parties, and this has produced a fragmented legislature.
Voters rely on recognition as a shortcut: surnames replace platforms, personalities override ideology. Dynastic ties provide a ready-made base. The First Lady role offers visibility and access to decision-making without accountability. These advantages lower barriers for dynastic family members while raising them for everyone else, restricting representation and nudging democracy toward soft patrimonialism.
