Parliaments often overlook MPs' family needs, and this poses challenges for recruiting and retaining diverse politicians. Yet, argues Jessica C. Smith, recent research in the UK reveals that voters don’t penalise MPs for taking parental leave; indeed, women MPs even gain more support as mothers
There is ongoing debate in the US about family life in politics. It resurfaced recently in the presidential campaign, when Republican Governor Sarah Huckabee Sanders claimed Kamala Harris had 'nothing keeping her humble' because she does not have ‘biological children’.
In general, we lack good data on whether serving politicians have dependent children. What data we do have suggests that women are less likely than men politicians to have children, and that they face a disproportionate number of questions about their family life. Women still take on the majority of caregiving responsibilities, and this too creates barriers for women entering, succeeding in, and remaining in politics.
Scholars who advocate for more ‘diversity’ or ‘gender sensitive’ parliaments show how legislatures are institutionally sexist in their formal and informal workings, including making it difficult to combine caring responsibilities with elected office. Globally, there is a lack of adequate childcare and parental leave for members in elected institutions. These are barriers to the recruitment and retention of diverse representatives.
In 2019, these challenges were vividly illustrated in the UK Parliament when heavily pregnant MP Tulip Siddiq was wheeled through the Chamber, having delayed her caesarean section to vote in a tight Brexit division. It was a reminder of how the institution so often fails to account for the real bodies that occupy it.
The strain of combining caring responsibilities and elected duties have caused some politicians to quit office altogether
From Japan to Denmark, women MPs have made history by bringing their babies into Parliamentary Chambers. On occasion they have been forced to leave because they have done so. The strain of combining caring responsibilities and elected duties have caused some politicians to quit office altogether. The first Scottish Minister to take maternity leave, Aileen Campbell, later stood down hoping for a better work-life balance.
In the UK, Tulip Siddiq's experience accelerated a process of reform already in place – the introduction of a pilot 'baby leave' scheme. As part of this initiative, MPs could nominate a proxy to vote for them if they took leave after having a baby. The proxy voting scheme is now permanent, and new provisions allow for MPs to claim expenses for staffing costs during parental leave. The Ministerial and other Maternity Allowances Act 2021 was hastily formalised in 2021 in response to the then Attorney General Suella Braverman's pregnancy. Beforehand, Braverman faced the option of resigning or forgoing her salary.
These reforms, aimed at making parliaments more family friendly, are a crucial step toward enhancing diversity in political representation. Of course, Parliaments can still do more.
In fact, we know little about how the public may perceive these kinds of reforms. Are voters more likely to penalise MPs for taking time off to care for a child? Or are they supportive of family-friendly policies? And are they more likely to punish women who take time out? My recent research answered these questions. The results are surprising, and encouraging.
My study used a 'forced-choice' conjoint experiment. I showed a sample of UK participants profiles of two fictional MPs with a series of different traits, including whether they had children, whether they took parental leave and, if so, how long that leave was. Participants then chose which MP they preferred. The design shows how factors like an MP’s gender, and the length of leave they took, influences how favourably voters regard them.
Contrary to expectations, my study found that voters, in fact, favour MPs who are parents over those without children
Contrary to expectations, the study found that voters do not punish MPs who take parental leave. In fact, voters favour MPs who are parents over those without children. When given a choice, voters preferred MPs with children by a margin of 5%, even if those MPs took up to six months of parental leave. This preference, however, varied significantly by gender. Women MPs who take parental leave were consistently preferred over their men counterparts.
Traditionally, voters have often seen women, especially mothers, as less fit for political roles because of perceived weaknesses such as lower assertiveness or strength. My findings join more recent (mainly experimental) studies in challenging longstanding biases against women in politics. In fact, recent studies show that a positive bias for women in politics is now more common. That women MPs gain public favour for taking parental leave aligns with these studies, and raises questions about evolving perceptions of gender roles in public office.
Recent studies show that a positive bias for women in politics is now more common
This parenthood benefit for women – which should encourage women thinking of standing for office who intend to combine it with motherhood – contrasts with the experience of men MPs. While men MPs do not benefit from the same positive effects as women MPs, those taking parental leave are neither rewarded nor significantly penalised. This may still reassure male MPs with dependent children, and might encourage them to take leave knowing they will not incur costs for doing so.
Given the lack of family-friendly practices in parliaments around the world, these findings are highly significant for those who argue for reform, assuaging any concerns of a public backlash if an MP takes parental leave. Not only is there little opposition to MPs taking leave, there is public support for such measures.
For policy-makers and advocates of gender equality in politics, the message is clear: supporting family-friendly policies is necessary and low-risk. This message may be of interest to the Modernisation Committee set up by the UK's new Labour government when it comes to consider parliamentary reforms. Encouraging more inclusive, family-friendly workplaces in politics is essential if we want to achieve a more representative and equitable political landscape.
