European leaders are inviting American academics to seek refuge in Europe. But, as Joseph Noonan argues, their policies do not always match the rhetoric. If Europe genuinely wants to attract global talent, it must back up its words with tangible support
Across Europe, researchers, politicians and the public have been watching the attacks on American academia unfold with dismay. Trump's policies have led universities across the continent to attract American researchers. Ursula von der Leyen called for investments to 'make Europe a magnet for researchers', and Emmanuel Macron went further, saying; 'If you love freedom, come help us to remain free'.
These are important initiatives. For European research to thrive, it is essential to create more opportunities for non-EU researchers to bring their skills to Europe's academic environment. However, as Europeans, we need to move beyond self-congratulatory statements on academic freedom. We must discuss the state of academia in our countries, and how migration laws affect prospective non-EU researchers' ability to conduct research.
For prospective immigrants, understanding the opportunities is difficult. Domestic political debate is hidden behind language barriers, differences in political culture, and history that prospective immigrants cannot easily understand. Instead, it is easier to rely on heuristics, guided by often positive images of a country.
Sweden, for example, is socialist, the Netherlands is progressive, the French value liberté. But these stereotypes are, after all, a simplification of reality. Immigrant researchers face a unique challenge because they are subject to the same changes in academic policy that affect all researchers, but there are also changes in immigration policies that can restrict their careers. For immigrant researchers, higher education policies and immigration policies are intrinsically linked.
Across Europe, centre-right parties are increasingly cooperating with — and co-opting the positions of — radical-right populists. In Sweden, the centre-right government depends on the support of the radical-right Sweden Democrats. The Sweden Democrats have pledged to combat 'woke ideology' at Swedish universities, arguing that the state should withhold funding for universities that do not comply.
The centre-right government has echoed these concerns — albeit less dramatically. The government appears fixated on combatting cancel culture, identity politics, and disruptive student protests at universities, while ignoring the extreme rental increases that are leading to massive budgetary constraints. This budget shortfall led to significant problems in universities' core functions, leading to lab closures, Zoom-only lectures, and freezes on hiring.
The Sweden Democrats have pledged to combat 'woke ideology' at Swedish universities, arguing that the state should withhold funding for universities that do not comply
Despite penning numerous op-eds on the issue, Sweden's government has never presented any concrete plan to address the shortfall, choosing instead to write critical pieces on cancel culture that lack clear policy suggestions. In 2023, the government cut all development research grants mid-cycle, wasting thousands of researchers' hours spent crafting applications. At the same time, it shortened university board term lengths from three years to 17 months, raising concerns from university leadership that this would increase governmental control of academe.
Of course, these developments affect everyone in Swedish academia. Immigrant researchers' legal status, however, renders them uniquely vulnerable. A new report from the SULF (Swedish Association of University Teachers and Researchers) Doctoral Candidate Association paints a dismal picture of how immigration policies undermine academic freedom.
Long visa delays often prevent international researchers from attending conferences. Some wait months, or even years, and are unable to travel or accept new roles. Others languish searching for positions in the short grace period after completing their PhDs. These restrictions fundamentally curtail the academic freedom of non-EU researchers. The current and previous governments have been largely unresponsive to these concerns. In December 2024, the government did begin to address the problem, though will not implement changes until March 2026.
Sweden is not unique in this regard. In the Netherlands, a similar political situation has emerged, with a centre-right party requiring radical-right support to govern, in this case formally in the cabinet. The government has initiated higher education budget cuts that number in the millions of euros. Scholars from Denmark and France have raised similar concerns about increasing political pressure stemming from right-wing populists, and the accommodation of radical-right populists.
Concerns are mounting in several European countries about increasing political pressure from right-wing populists
These developments mean that European researchers should make pains to be transparent with non-EU researchers seeking to relocate to Europe. At the same time, we should be clear that healthy democratic deliberation remains in EU countries such as Sweden, the Netherlands, and France — all robust liberal democracies whose governments formulate and implement policy according to the law. Cutting higher education budgets broadly is not the same as the Trump administration’s deliberate attacks on perceived political opponents in academia.
Europeans should remember, however, that current events in the US were unthinkable to Americans a decade ago. Similar scenarios in Europe are not beyond the realms of possibility.
The Trump administration’s attacks on academia are, in part, a European export. Over the course of a decade, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán systematically dismantled academic autonomy
In fact, the Trump administration’s attacks on academia are, in part, a European export. Over the course of a decade, Hungary’s Viktor Orbán systematically dismantled academic autonomy, through attacks on programmes deemed 'woke', the expulsion from Budapest of Central European University (CEU), and the privatisation of universities to put Orbán loyalists in control of the boards. US Vice President JD Vance explicitly pointed to Orbán’s attacks as a model for 'dealing with left-wing domination of universities'.
European academia has spent years implementing policies that make Europe less attractive to top researchers. When speaking to American academics keen to relocate to Europe, therefore, European politicians must refrain from self-congratulatory back-patting.
Rapid budget cuts, increasingly punitive immigration policies, and a precarious job market mean that non-EU researchers in Europe live amid considerable uncertainty. Europe must ask itself: what support do we offer foreign researchers? To attract talent, Europe must safeguard the autonomy of research institutions, secure reliable funding, and ensure that immigrant researchers have quick access to secure legal status. Politicians must understand that the goal of attracting foreign researchers, and cooperating with (or co-opting) the populist right’s policy positions, are incompatible objectives.
